Ghulam Ali still cannot sleep
peacefully at night. The cries of those barbaric tortures till torment him so
much so that he still slept with a khukri
under his bed at night. Nellie was barely 20 kilometres from his village and
the horrific scenes from 18th February, 1983 still plagued him.
Thirty years ago, the small
sub-division in Assam witnessed perhaps India’s worst genocide. Situated almost
50 miles from the capital Dispur, Nellie was a bustling community with a large
section of its population belonging to predominantly Muslims originating from
the erstwhile East Bengal. Ghulam Ali was a young 20-year-old then, who had
just learnt the art of driving a jeep. He earned a scanty Rs. 10 a week, but
was delighted in being a full-time employee for one of Nagaon district’s top
dry-fish mongers. On the chilly February morning, he set off to work like many
of his friends and family. Ali had to drive all the way to Nagaon, which was 40
kilometres from Nellie, and would be returning late at night after delivering
the fresh stock of dry fish.
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Thousands of Muslims inhabitants fled the Bodo-populated areas in Western Assam during the rioting last year. |
“Assam was gripped in state-wide
panic at the time”, narrated Ali, who was currently employed for a gas agency.
“The elections were upon us and several Muslim populated areas in Central Assam
were declared too hostile to hold any polling.”
In 1978, Hiralal Patwari, a
Member of Parliament to the Lok Sabha, passed away leading to a necessary
by-elections for the Mangaldoi constituency in Central Assam. The following
elections saw a huge increase in the voter base, prompting the All Assam
Students Union (AASU) to call for postponement of the voting till a fair
calculation of the populous was done. They suspected that the inflation was
caused primarily due to a large number of ‘foreign nationals’ who had migrated
from East Bengal and East Pakistan at the time.
The AASU, led by their ambitious
new leader, Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, demanded the state government to
differentiate among Indians and non-Indians. They formed a document called the
Assam Accord where 25th March 1971 was set as the demarcation date
to judge if a person was an Indian citizen or not. All registered voters and
people born after the date were eligible to attain Indian nationality; the rest
would be termed migrants and hence could not be allowed to vote.
Dr K. Rahim was pursuing his
doctorate in sociology from the University of Guwahati at the time Mr Patwari
passed away. The 69-year-old retired professor vividly recalled the happenings
of the year. “The AASU were determined to protect the Assamese culture. The
instilled a sense of Ahom pride in the Assamese people by chanting slogans and
holding campaigns explaining how the Bengali Muslims were eating into their
land, their jobs, language and corrupting their culture”, recalled Dr Rahim. He
explained that the Western districts of Dhubri and Goalpara were used as
references to describe the growing encroachment by the now Bangladeshi
migrants.
The Government of India under
Indira Gandhi rejected the Assam Accord from being passed in the Lok Sabha. The
Congress was looking to appease Muslim voters in the country and saw 14 easy
Parliamentary seats from Assam. This triggered mass outrage amongst the AASU
and other conservationists or so called protectors of Assamese integrity.
Revolutions broke all over the state. Even Assamese Muslims, whose families had
roots in Assam for decades far before 1971, like Ghulam Ali’s and Dr Rahim’s,
had to retreat to areas of concentrated Muslim population to escape harm.
Incidents of ethnic clashes were common up until 1985 with Nellie being ground
zero for the conflict.
In 1983, the Central Government
ordered the State Assembly elections to be held without any fail despite the
brewing tensions between the different sections of society. The AASU called for
nation-wide bandhs on the final day of filing for candidacy and demanded a
24-hour strike to veto the voting. Mr Mahanta warned the state of dire
consequences, and raised him hands off any “incidents” that might occur. “It
was a shame that the Government was ineligible to ensure adequate protection on
the day of voting”, said Ghulam Ali. “All our civil liberties died that day.”
According to the then Assam
Inspector General of Police, KPS Gill, 63 constituencies were given a green
light to hold polls under the protection of the recently deployed paramilitary
forces and Indian Army. 23 constituencies were declared red zones or hostile
areas with Nellie being labelled on of the troubled spots. Nellie 1983 was one of the few books published about the barbaric
massacre that followed that day. The cover page of the book, written by Diganta
Sharma, recites a brief summary of the day:
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A mass burial of children after the massacre at Nellie. |
“On February 17, 1983 two truckload police contingents came to Borbori
and assured the inhabitants that they are patrolling nearby and full security
has been provided to them. Being assured of security by the security personnel,
Bangladeshi Muslim residents of Nellie went to work outside as usual the next
day. At around 8:30 am, suddenly the village was attacked by mobs from three
sides surrounding the villagers and pushing them towards river Kopili. People
armed with sharp weapons, spears, and a few guns, advanced towards Nellie in an
organized manner. The attackers encircled the whole village and left open the
side that ends towards river Kopili. There were attackers in boats too. Killing
started at around 9 am and continued till 3 pm. Most of the victims were women
and children. The survivors were taken to Nagaon police station. Most of the
survivors were put into Nellie camp at Nagaon and they returned to their
village after 14 days upon restoration of normalcy. Police filed 688 criminal,
of which 378 cases were closed due to "lack of evidence" and 310
cases were charge sheeted, and all these cases were dropped by Government as a
part of Assam Accord and as a result not a single person got punishment.”
(Translated from Assamese)
The Illegal Immigration Act (IIA)
was passed as a result of the signing if the Assam Accord with fences being set
up and guarded round the clock by the Border Security Force. The AASU leader
Mahanta, went on to lead the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) to victory in 1985
becoming one of India’s youngest Chief Ministers. The Nellie massacre had been
buried as a miniscule event in North-east India. Like countless other stories,
“mainland” India was unaware of Assam, and sympathy was scares, more so due to
Mrs Gandhi’s fatal shooting the same year. Ghulam Ali was one of the fortunate
few who were away from Nellie that day. 2000 others were not.
The reasons for rapid immigration from Bangladesh:
Immigration into Assam was common
among the poor Bengali Muslims in East Bengal during colonial times. Many did
it to escape ruthless money lenders, while some from savage floods. The
Bramhaputra valley was an ideal location to start afresh – abundantly fertile
and unoccupied lands, devoid of the zamindari system. The partition of Bengal
in 1905 caused many rich Hindu Bengalis to migrate to trade areas in lower
Assam like Hailakandi and Karimganj, where they still thrive today.
The 1972 war in Bangladesh propelled
more refugees into Assam and then it became a cult to shift of Assam in search
of better fortunes. 1978 was in many
ways a turning point in Assamese nationalism. Though the immigrants from
1901-1951 had by and large become Assamese, with their children and
grandchildren being the product of being provided education in Assamese, as
well as the policy of assimilation that their grandparents had adopted for
survival. Many poets and writers also emerged from their midst. But, there was
another angle to it. People among them who stressed more on their religious
identity allowed illegal immigration to continue unabated even after
independence, and with increasing numbers the compulsion to assimilate them
into the melting pot that was Assam gradually diminished. Assam was slowly
losing its identity, because the sheer magnitude of this migration was perhaps
unprecedented.
Last year, Assam saw its fair
share of violence yet again. Ethnic clashes between Bodos and Muslims resulted
in the death of over a 100 people. The districts of Dhubri, Goalpara, Mangaldoi
and Kokrajhar, where the clashes took place have a large Muslim population
today, hovering about the 40% mark. The Bodo militancy, and the lack of law and
order in these areas means that the struggle might get a bloodier in the days
to come. The Bodos and the Tiwas were the first victims of illegal immigration.
They turned perpetrators of unseen violence under provocation, in Nellie in
1983 and Kokrajhar in 2012. In many unheard of cases in areas where they are in
a minority, the Bodos are also victims. This is not a justification, but a mere
reason. The density of population in minority dominated districts of Assam
which border/include tribal areas is high. : Dhubri has a density of 1171,
Barpeta 632, Nagaon 711, compared to Sonitpur which has 365, and Dibrugarh 393.
All these districts have almost similar (physical) geographical
characteristics. Dhubri borders Kokrajhar whose density of population is just
280. This gradient is a reason enough for ethnic diffusion. Ethnic diffusion is
the reason for ethnic tension. Does it take a soothsayer to predict that? At
least it takes an insensitive and incompetent government to ignore that.
As the Assamese singer Zubeen
sang in his 2009 song:
“Kokaalotey tongaali khon
bandhiboley hol, Aako aebaar Aakhomiya jaagibole hol”.
Meaning: It is time to tie the
traditional scarf on our hips again; it is time of the Assamese to rise again.
The question is – which
Assamese?